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Nothing in all of creation is hidden from data brokers. |
information. They have access to information just about everywhere your name has been written down (including most government records), online activity, financial transactions, etc. The
One of the slightly more transparent firms in the (pathologically secretive) industry, Acxiom stated in their 2013 Annual Report that they had in their databases "Over 3,000 propensities for nearly every U.S. consumer" and globally “Multi-sourced
insight into approximately 700 million consumers”. They update the data regularly, with the same report estimating that they had updated 25 trillion elements in consumer records in the previous year alone.
Capabilities like this are why it's creepily effective to compare Acxiom to an omniscient God:
Brokers
buy this information from the groups mentioned in Part 1 or each other. They then aggregate it, analyze it, and
repackage it to be sold or leased to buyers. The amount of traffic is
huge. Acxiom alone handled nearly 60 trillion transactions for over
7,000 clients in 2013 (23).
So
how much money is involved in this?
The most typically quoted
estimate for the size of the data broker industry in the U.S. is $150
billion, which is just under 1% of the entire U.S. economy. As with
most often-cited statistics, this is a grossly misapplied
simplification. It originates with the report The
Value of Data: Consequences for Insight, Innovation, and Efficiency
in the U.S. Economy,
the result of a study conducted by Dr. John Deighton of Harvard and
Peter Johnson of Columbia, and funded by the Direct Marketing
Association and the Data-driven Marketing Institute. This has thus
far been the first and so far only in-depth analysis of a large
proportion of the industry. In the report, the $150 billion figure
commonly cited refers to the amount spent in the U.S. in 2012 to “buy
marketing services that could not have been performed without
individual-level consumer data”. The wording on this is critical.
Firstly, it’s just within the U.S. Secondly, the study only deals
with the data used for marketing, and doesn’t claim to include data
on people finding, background screening, credit rating, insurance
rating, etc., all of which would be considered part of the industry,
depending upon one’s precise definition. On the other hand, the
$150 billion also refers to money spent on things other than the data
itself, as I’ll explain in a second.
I
contacted Dr. Deighton to ask him about his study. He was very open
to my questions and even sent me the spreadsheet that his team had
used to perform their calculations—the first time that anyone
outside of the original researchers have access to it.
Looking
over the figures, the single greatest recipient of the U.S.
“data-driven marketing economy” in 2012 according to the model is
the U.S. Postal Service, as they received $17 billion from mailings
that had been targeted through one of the other services. While the
post office might certainly benefit from data brokering and it does
earn about $8 million per year selling change of address forms to
data brokers (29), the rest of the $17 billion isn’t really
directly part of the data broker industry per
se,
even if the income it brings them income indirectly. Other issues
like this arguably inflate the numbers.
Restricting
the numbers just to the fees from selling and leasing data, we get a
more modest total of $17.6 billion in revenue for the industry. That
number is somewhat misleading itself though, as it largely overlooks
companies that may keep the data in-house or who sell access to it
indirectly through ads like Google and Facebook. If we take that into
account, and consider all the revenue associated with “individual
level consumer data”, we get a total of $31 billion. Even that is a rough estimate though, as Dr. Deighton admitted that there is substantial issue in verifying the activities and earnings of the companies, but suffice to say that it's substantial.
With
money and knowledge come power, and as you can see, the data broker
industry lacks neither. And there are heavily vested interests in
ensuring that those doors stay firmly closed.
In
2012, U.S. Representative Edward Markey sent a letter to Acxiom and
other data brokers asking for a list of its data sources, among other
questions. Acxiom’s reply is quite telling. The 32-page response
was briefly posted online at Markey’s official House site, but has
since been removed, though a little digging unearthed it. The letter
mentions how Acxiom “has a long history of proactively engaging
with policy makers”, noting “We are in numerous policy groups,
and in some cases, have been a driving force in their creation” and
going on to list nine lobbying
groups
special
interest groups
policy groups with which they are involved. In response to his first
question (about data sources,) the company said that they could not
reveal such information for competitive reasons (though they did draw
a broad outline of types of sources.) Before actually answering his
questions though, the letter goes into a long PR spread about how
important companies like it are to the U.S. economy, free speech,
consumer choice, etc. Drawing the eye is a long, anonymous list of
Acxiom’s U.S. clients, starting with “47 Fortune 100 clients”
and ending with “5 of the 13 largest U.S. federal government
agencies” and “Both major national political parties”. (29)
That
last line in particular explains much of the reason that data brokers
have faced no major push among legislators towards greater
transparency, despite years of effort by the FTC and privacy
advocates. Jeffrey Chester, executive director of the Center for
Digital Democracy explains “There’s no political pressure on
Congress, really, to act. The data-broker lobby is incredibly
powerful,” as political campaigns regularly use information from
data brokers to tailor their advertising, and “They’re not going
to vote against their political self-interest” (22).
The
politicians have good reason to be concerned about shining a
spotlight on their own activities with data brokers. A 2012 survey
found that the vast majority of Americans were vehemently opposed to
political campaigns buying information about them and using it to
send them tailored political messages, practices which have become
commonplace (30).
Perhaps
it’s knowing that they have such allies, which gave the brokers the
confidence to brush off an investigation by the U.S. Senate Committee
on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, whose report to Senator
Rockefeller complains that “Three of the largest companies –
Acxiom, Experian, and Epsilon – to date have been similarly
secretive with the Committee with respect to their practices,
refusing to identify the specific sources of their data or the
customers who purchase it” (17).
Two
months later in February 2014, Senator Jay Rockefeller (who had
already announced that he did not intend to run for re-election (31)
and thus wasn’t beholden to the brokers) introduced the Data Broker
Accountability and Transparency Act, the first bill that would have
required the industry to be more transparent, by mandating that they
let consumers see what data the broker has about them and where it
came from, as well as prohibiting data brokers from using fraud to
collect data (32). He read it and referred it to a committee, where
(as of this writing) it’s been stuck ever since (32). As he has
since left office, the bill’s chances of being picked back up again
would seem dubious.
In
contrast to the U.S., many other countries are moving towards tighter
restrictions on the flow of data. Claiming that it is in response to
security concerns from the Snowden leaks, countries such as Russia,
India, Brazil, and Germany, as well as the European Union are all
considering legal measures requiring that their citizens' data cannot
be stored outside of the country. It is unlikely to be a coincidence
that such measures could also protect local IT firms from foreign
(read U.S.)
competition, or that it would make it far easier for local
intelligence agencies to spy on their own citizens. (33)
In
the U.S., where the companies are far less likely to face any legal
restrictions, the lobbying group for the industry have been desperate
to stay relevant. The Data-Driven Marketing Institute has made the
hilarious attempt to portray themselves as embattled underdogs,
featuring on their front page of their site the mind-bendingly
backwards “What we find amazing, policymakers find alarming. What
we know consumers want, they think threatens consumer privacy.”
(Emphasis added.) On the same page they make a shrill proclamation
worthy of the Colbert Report that “Our Data-Driven Way of Life is
Under Attack.”
In
their defense, our modern way of life is indeed data-driven. (See,
that’s a whole 6 out of 9 words that are defensible.) I wouldn’t
be able to drive anywhere without Google Maps.
I’m
even willing to accept the “Under Attack” part, if they’ll
compromise on the “-Driven Way of Life” part in the middle.
However, the attack on our data comes not from policy makers, but
hackers and scammers.
In
2011 the data broker and e-mail marketer Epsilon revealed that its
servers had experienced a massive breach of its servers, involving
the names and e-mail addresses for the customers of over 40
companies, only about 2% of its client base (34). While this was an
embarrassing first impression for Epsilon to make to most consumers,
this data wasn’t especially sensitive. Ironically, the e-mail
marketing company had been the victim of an e-mail phishing attack
(35). Concerningly though, the virus had been stealing data from the
company for three months before the installation of a new security
program discovered it (35).
The
cyber-security risks associated with consolidating so much consumer
information are also echoed in the data breaches of Target and Home
Depot. In December 2013, Target announced that hackers had acquired
extensive consumer data from their systems. Over the course of 19
days 40 million credit and debit cards were stolen, plus 70 million
records that included the name, address, e-mail address, and phone
numbers of customers (36). Just a few months later, Home Depot
announced that it had similarly suffered a data breach of 56 million
credit cards and 53 million e-mail addresses while the
data-harvesting software operated undetected for five months, and
then only after the Secret Service notified the company that they had
found the credit card numbers up for sale on the black market and
Capitol One identified Home Depot as the one retailer linking all of
the stolen credit cards together (37).
The
data thieves are not always independent hackers. The data breach of
the health insurance company Anthem Inc. of “tens of millions” of
stolen records (38) is (according to Bloomberg) believed by
investigators to be part of a state-sponsored Chinese campaign of
acquiring information on millions of Americans, perhaps to identify
intelligence targets (39).
The
hackers who steal this data can themselves suffer having the data
stolen by someone else—especially dishonorable thieves I suppose.
In the summer of 2013, the black market data site ssndob[dot]ms.
(presumably that stands for “Social Security number” and “date
of birth,” both of which the site claimed to have for every U.S.
resident, available to any purchaser for $.50 to $2.50 per record,)
had its own database hacked, offering a lucky opportunity for
investigators to glimpse behind the scenes of its operations. The
most immediate finding of interest was that black market customers
had purchased the records of over four million Americans (though to
clarify, that’s just the number purchased, not the number
available.) However, even after a thorough analysis of the plundered
database by KrebsOnSecurity, it wasn’t immediately clear as to what
the sources of the data were, as the sources were only designated by
a code number. Fortunately for investigators, the database wasn’t
the only part of the site that was hacked, and they had the
opportunity to review the network activity of the site’s
administrators. Digging into this revealed that ssndob’s operators
had been running a botnet that was collecting data from the data
brokers LexisNexis (the botnet had been collecting its data
undetected for at least five months,) Dun & Bradstreet (at least
six months,) and Kroll Background America (at least three months.) To
be fair to these companies, the program used in the botnet was quite
sophisticated, appearing benign to all 46 of the top anti-malware
tools on the market at the time. (40)
Having
access to the ssndob’s back-end server was an extremely lucky break
for investigators in terms of linking the data back to its source.
Normally it is impossible to connect SSNs and most other data back to
a specific leak, as the data can be held by so many different
companies (41). In contrast, credit companies can review the purchase
histories of credit cards that show up on the black market and find
the common thread. Understandably, when databases of some types of
data are breached, such as healthcare information, the companies are
required by U.S. federal law to announce it (38). However, no federal
law requires companies to announce that they’ve had a breach of
many other types of data (though some state laws do.)
One
effort to require all data brokers to announce that they’ve
suffered a breach was The Data Security and Breach Notification Act
of 2014, introduced by our old friend Senator Rockefeller just one
month before the Data Broker Accountability and Transparency Act. It
suffered exactly the same fate, sitting in a subcommittee collecting
dust (42), as did the Data Security and Breach Notification Act of
2013 (43), 2012 (44), 2011 (45), 2010 (46), and the original in 2009
(47)--oh and the most recent one in 2105, by a mix of different senators. (In case you’re convinced
that this is somehow a partisan issue, the bills have been introduced
by both Democrats and Republicans.)
To
make a point to lawmakers about just how absurdly easy it is to
obtain leaked data, Brian Krebs performed an ad hoc experiment to see
if he could find for sale in the online black market the personal
information of the members of the Senate Commerce Committee’s
Subcommittee on Consumer Protection, Product Safety and Insurance.
Not only was he able to find the Social Security numbers, phone
numbers, and current and previous addresses for all 13 subcommittee
members just by looking at two ID theft sites, but while he was there
he found the same information for the heads of the Federal Trade
Commission and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (41). And
remember, that was just two websites. He didn’t have to go far to
find them.
Krebs’
December 2014 proposal for introducing some accountability was to
include unique dummy ID’s into data brokers’ databases as
tracers, so that when the dummy’s showed up for illicit sale,
investigators could identify the broker from which it originated
(41).
Whether
this proposal receives any traction remains to be seen, but
historically the industry has argued for self-regulation, claiming
that no oversight or further transparency is necessary. When the FTC
proposed forming a centralized online list of data brokers so that
consumers could conveniently learn about the brokers and the data
that each of them had on the consumer, Experian replied that the FTC
had defined “data broker” vaguely and that the creation of such a
list would have the effect of “confusing customers and eroding
trust in e-commerce” (48).
One
has to wonder why Experian believes that giving consumers more
information about the industry’s practices would harm public trust
of the means of data collection. Personally, I can’t ever recall
losing trust in someone when I found out that they were acting
honestly and benevolently. Indeed, the company even acknowledges in
the same statement that there are “literally dozens and dozens of
smaller data providers with long histories of questionable
practices”, which is where Experian says the FTC needs to focus its
efforts (48).
Experian
knows first-hand about these smaller brokers with long histories of
questionable practices. It owns one.
In
March 2012, just two years prior to making the statement, Experian
acquired the public records aggregator firm Court Ventures (49).
Experian’s VP of Government Affairs Tony Hadley says that nine
months after the acquisition the Secret Service notified them that
Court Ventures was suspected of illegal activity (50). Specifically,
Court Ventures had been selling sensitive data (including SSNs and
bank information) on U.S. citizens to the identity theft market
Superget.info (51). Though it’s not clear exactly how many
identities were stolen via the database of 200 million Americans,
Superget’s criminal clientele made 3.1 million queries on Americans
in the 18 months prior to February 2013 (52).
“We
were a victim, and scammed by this person.”
You
might think that those were the words of someone who had their
identities stolen through the service. They’re actually from
Experian’s Tony Hadley again, explaining to Congress why their due
diligence hadn’t detected the transactions with Superget, either
before acquisition of Court Ventures or in the nine months afterwards
while Superget continued to purchasing information from them via a
Singapore wire transfer (52). As a true master of paradox, Hadley had
just testified a few minutes earlier about how rigorous Experian’s
safeguards are, stating “Experian shares data responsibly—by
carefully safeguarding compliance with all privacy and consumer
protection laws and industry self-regulatory standards, advancing and
observing industry best practices, and establishing and monitoring
adherence to our own corporate policies and practices” (53). The
fact that their apparent strict adherence to these same standards had
failed to prevent Experian’s subsidiary from selling data to a
market for identity thieves doesn’t seem to temper Hadley’s
insistence that self-regulation is working just fine. Just four
months later he would pen the Experian public statement that
transparency issues could be resolved as long as companies adhered to
the voluntary ethical guidelines of the not-lobbying firm the Direct
Marketing Association (48).
.
For its own part, the Direct Marketing Association is dismissive of
government regulation. In response to an FTC report urging greater
industry transparency, the DMA’s general counsel Stuart P. Ingis
was even quoted in the Washington Post in late May 2014 saying that
the FTC had failed to find any clear instances of abuse in the
industry and “‘You’d think if there was a real problem, they’d
be able to talk about something other than potential’ abuses”
(22).
Either
Mr. Ingis is so poorly informed about the industry he represents that
he was unaware of the issue with Court Ventures (or the earlier
mentioned cases like infoUSA selling lists of Alzheimer’s sufferers
to telemarketing scammers,) or he doesn’t consider them to be
abuses.
That
aside, one might ask Ingis how exactly he expects the FTC to find
abuses when the industry is so intent on concealing the details of
its practices that it’s willing to defy a request from a
Congressional committee about them?
Even
in the best circumstances, the FTC is so hamstrung by its broad
responsibilities, small budget, understaffing, and limited
investigative authority that it’s not unusual for amateurs to find
major privacy violations (everyone has a hobby, I suppose) before
they do (53).
Perhaps
spurred on by Ingis’ taunt, the FTC overcame these hurdles, and
stepped up to the plate. They had already been prosecuting the
company Ideal Financial Solutions, who purchased the data of 2.2
million consumers to steal millions of dollars directly from the
victims’ bank accounts. In December 2014,charged data broker
LeapLab with selling the personal information of hundreds of
thousands of consumers (including SSN and bank account numbers) to
Ideal, providing the data on “at least 16 percent these victims.”
LeapLab obtained the data from loan applications, and yet it only
sold 5% of these applications to lenders. The remaining 95% were sold
at $.50 each to “third parties who were not online lenders and had
no legitimate need for this financial information”, including other
data brokers, marketers making unsolicited calls, and scammers like
Ideal Financial Solutions. It’s rather difficult to argue that
LeapLab was unaware of how Idea was using the data, as the two
companies were so close that LeapLab hired one of Ideal’s
executives as its Chief Marketing Officer. In what sounds like a
retort to Ingis, FTC Director of Consumer Protection Jessica Rich
specifically stated in the announcement that “This case shows that
the illegitimate use of sensitive financial information causes real
harm to consumers”. (54)
Once
again, though, the opportunity to tie the misuse of data back to a
specific broker might have been merely a lucky coincidence. The FTC
was prosecuting one blatantly illegal operation, and it happened to
have close managerial ties to one of the companies from whom it was
purchasing data, making it unusually hard for them to claim
ignorance.
Remember,
this is the same industry in which Experian could simultaneously
receive money through one of its subsidiaries from an
identity-stealing market for the majority of a year and claim
ignorance of where the data was going, so the bar to prove complicity
is quite high, and apparently gross negligence is insufficient for
prosecution.
Whether
this will have any real effect remains to be seen, but in the U.S.
those who would preserve the secrecy of the industry have the
substantial weight of the status quo on their side.
Citations
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FTC Charges Data Broker with Facilitating the Theft of Millions of
Dollars from Consumers' Accounts: Company Sold Personal Financial
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‘billions’ of data points to profile Americans. The Washington
Post. [Online] May 27, 2014.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/technology/brokers-use-billions-of-data-points-to-profile-americans/2014/05/27/b4207b96-e5b2-11e3-a86b-362fd5443d19_story.html.
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